Music as representation of gender in Mediterranean cultures
Venice 11-13 July 1998

Karin van Nieuwkerk - University of Nijmegen

"An hour for God and an hour for the heart"
Islam, gender and female entertainment in Egypt.

Last October, I returned to Cairo for a holiday, seven years after my research on female singers and dancers in Egypt was completed.¹ I immediately tried to locate my friend and favorite dancer Ibtisam, who lives in the Pyramid district. This new building area had changed a lot since I last went there. But as I visited the place so often between 1988 and 1990, I had no difficulties in tracing her house. Yet in front of her door, I began to hesitate. Where once the sign bint il balad, "daughter of the country" decorated the outside, now the presence of Sheikh Ahmed was painted in red letters. Had she moved to another place? I asked some boys in the neighborhood about "Umm Randa" but they did not know her. "What was she doing?" they asked me. I dared not mention her profession as a dancer. So I started to name her five children and than they said: "Oh she is the mother of Sheikh Ahmed!" So they started screaming for me: "Ya Umm Ahmed," until a sleepy voice returned the yelling.

It appeared that many things had changed in Ibtisam's life. She stopped working a few years ago, one of her daughters was married and had just given birth, and her eldest son had become a religious leader. She was glad to be out of the entertainment trade, she was remarried and sitting at home the whole day. When we decided to visit her daughter, she donned a scarf and said she had not be out for more than a week. We had lunch at her daughter's place - at the other extreme of the city - and watched the video of her wedding. They told me that Ahmed forbad singers and dancers to perform at his sister's wedding because it was haram, a forbidden thing in Islam. Despite his refusal Ibtisam admitted that as 'the mother of the bride' she had danced. Before I left I gave Ibtisam the Dutch version of my book since she figures in full color at the cover. She was sincerely shocked at the confrontation with her past performance. She was about to throw the book aside but could not repress a giggle and wondered: "Was that me?"

This story illustrates the ambivalence that many female entertainers feel about their own professions. They feel that many Egyptians look down on them. They experience that especially women are considered immoral. They know that their work is considered haram, taboo.

Why is music and dancing forbidden according to religious opinion? Why is the profession so shameful for women? In how far are the religious views on entertainment internalised by performers themselves?

The present Islamic fundamentalist influence on entertainment makes an analysis of the religious discourse relevant. However, an important reservation should be made before answering the above-mentioned questions. Although I focus on religious discourse, I am not stating that Islam is the most important force in people's lives. Religion certainly influences Egyptian attitudes toward art and entertainment, yet many people said "an hour for God and an hour for the heart." According to most people religion does not exclude amusement, they can exist side by side.

Islamic fundamentalist influence on entertainment

Since the 1970s, there is a growing influence of religious fundamentalism on many facets of Egyptian society. Religious agitation against public entertainment is not a recent phenomenon. The beginning of the last century and the early 1930s and late 1940s of this century witnessed a religious revival unfavorable to entertainment. Whereas the Muslim Brotherhood was repressed during the reign of Nasser, Sadat initially employed them to combat the left. After Sadat's decision to make peace with Israel, they turned against him. Under President Mubarak, a multiple strategy is followed. The extremists are repressed and imprisoned, while the moderates are given the possibility to voice their opinion. The government attempts to islamicize its policy in order to take the wind out of the sails of Islamic fundamentalists (Rubin 1990; Esposito 1992; Abu Lughod 1997). Consequently, the effect of religious pressure is discernable in all fields of art and entertainment.

The three main contexts in Egyptian entertainment are firstly weddings and saint's day celebrations which can be named the popular circuit; secondly, nightclubs ranging from five stars nightclubs to very cheap clubs; and finally, the performing arts circuit, the performances in orchestras, theaters, on radio and television etc. I mainly studied the circuit of weddings and saint's day celebrations and that of nightclubs.

According to Islamic fundamentalists a proper wedding should be celebrated segregately. Only religious songs should be sung accompanied by the tambourine, the duff, one of the few lawful instruments according to strict opinion. Religious influence on wedding celebrations is most strongly felt in the South, particularly in Minyâ and Asiyût, the Islamicist strongholds. They succeeded in banning female entertainment and alcohol from the weddings. The parties are held in clubs and young men provide music and songs. Occasionally a dancer is brought all the way from Cairo, but then refused entrance to the city. In Cairo, a few neighborhoods are effectively controlled by Islamic fundamentalists. They manage to keep unwanted female entertainers out of their area. Islamic fundamentalists occasionally disturb weddings, break the musicians' instruments and chase the female performers from the stage. This sometimes leads to fights with the partygoers, who defend the entertainers and their right to merriment.

The saint's day celebrations are affected as well. The Sûfî brotherhoods are used by the State to counterbalance Islamic fundamentalism and are thus free to execute their zikrs and to listen to religious singers. Secular entertainment, however, is restricted and belly-dancing is sometimes forbidden. The amount of light-hearted entertainment largely depends on the presence of government supervision, which is usually confined to the larger saint's day celebrations. At the time of my research, entertainment at the large mûlid of Tantâ was restricted to three days and dance had been banned for several years. Whereas in Helwân, a suburb of Cairo, I witnessed belly-dancing in open costumes and gambling.

Nightclubs are even more strongly opposed by Islamic fundamentalists. In 1977, nightclubs were attacked, during which 12 of the 14 nightclubs of Pyramid Street were burnt. The corruption and wealth again provoked anger on the 25th and 26th of February 1986. Poorly paid soldiers who were quartered nearby, sent several nightclubs up in flames. In the 1990s the closure or replacement of the Pyramid nightclubs was debated. When the street became an entertainment area in the forties, it was at the margins of the city. Nowadays, due to the overpopulation, the city has expanded enormously and the nightclubs are situated amidst a new residential quarter. The governor of the area therefore preferred to relocate the nightclubs far off in the desert (al-Wafd 10-9-1989).

The theaters and media are under stricter religious censorship as well. Belly-dancing is banned from TV, although old films, invariably with scenes from nightclubs and wedding parties featuring dancers with the open costumes of the early days, are allowed. Video tapes with belly-dancing are available. Due to religious influence the legal status of dancers is weakened and for new dancers it is difficult to obtain a license. A song by Muhammad `Abd al-Wahhâb with the line: "We come to the world not knowing why," was called blasphemous and Islamic fundamentalists attempted to ban the record. Yet, the Azhar ruled that the song did not clash with Islamic law (Middle East Times 19-12-1989).

From the last example it is clear that although Islamicist pressure is strong, there are forces counterbalancing their effect. Most people still enjoy art and entertainment and invite performers on their weddings. If they forego these pleasures it is mostly induced by economic rather than religious reasons. A popular actor challenged the Islamic fundamentalists and went on tour through the South playing a farce with many puns. He drew a large audience. Islamic fundamentalist influence, although strong in the South and in some Cairene neighborhoods, should not be overestimated.

What is the religious discourse behind this Islamicist stand on art and entertainment? In the following section, I will present the debates among religious scholars about the permissibility of music, singing and dancing.

Since the birth of Islam the permissibility of music and singing has been debated. Not only the lawfulness of the performer but also of the audience was discussed. Advocates and opponents alike traced the legitimacy of their position back to the Quran and the hadîths, the sayings of the Prophet.

The seventeenth-century Muslim scholar Chelebi distinguishes three categories of music: coming from birds, from the human throat and from instruments. He states that in Islam it is permissible to listen to the melodies produced by birds, and to those produced by the human throat, subject to certain conditions and rules. To listen to instruments that are blown or struck however, is never permissible (1957: 38). Certain instruments are forbidden because they are supposed to incite drinking. The kûba, an oblong drum, for instance, is prohibited because of its association with drinking wine, licentious songs and dissolute people. With respect to the human throat, if it produces songs about wine and debauchery, it is not permissible to listen to them (ibid: 39).

According to the ethnomusicologist Al-Faruqi, religious opinion makes a hierarchy of music and singing in forbidden, unfavored, indifferent, recommended and commendable forms. The recitation of the Quran stands at the peak of the hierarchy, immediately followed by the call to prayer and religious chants. Also legitimate are various types of songs connected to family celebrations, caravan chants, work songs and the music of military bands. At the bottom of the hierarchy, we find "sensuous music that is performed in association with condemned activities, or that is thought to incite to such prohibited practices as consumption of drugs and alcohol, lust, prostitution etc." (1985: 12). These genres are clearly forbidden, harâm. Most forms of music and singing, though, fall between these clear categories and are controversial (Al-Faruqi 1985: 1-13).

The approval or disapproval of performers is not only related to the genre but also to the context of the performance. Regarding the permissibility of the context, three elements are deemed important by the eleventh-century Muslim scholar Imâm al-Ghazâlî, that is, time, place and associates. It is not acceptable if too much time is devoted to performances so that it interferes with the higher Islamic goals and distract the believers' attention from the devotion to God. Full-time professional performers are accordingly less acceptable than non-professional amateurs. The acceptability of the place and occasion of the performance is also an important factor in judging the legitimacy of the entertainers and their public. Lastly, the type of people present during the performance affects the permissibility of the performers and their audience. A certain genre of music can thus be permissible in one context while it is rejected in another circumstance. Playing the tambourine is, for instance, acceptable if it is done by women at a wedding but forbidden if it is done by men in the context of homosexuality or prostitution (Al-Faruqi 1985: 17-20; al-Ghazâlî 1902: 1).

The religious discussions on dancing are less detailed and mainly restricted to ecstacy. According to al-Ghazâlî, proper conduct during ecstacy and trance is also bound by the rules of time, place and company. Besides, if ecstacy overcomes a person and makes the person move without volition, it is excusable. Yet, when volition returns, stillness and restraint is preferred. The general rule is that: "If the pleasure which causes dancing is praiseworthy, and the dancing increases and strengthens it, then the dancing is praiseworthy (...). Yet it is true that the practice of dancing does not befit the station of notable people who set an example, because most of the time, it springs from play and sport (...)" (al-Ghazâlî 1902: 9). We should keep in mind though that al-Ghazâlî discusses male ecstacy dancing in a religious setting and not female dancing in a secular context.

Although the impact of gender on the acceptability of performers has not received systematic attention, it is a crucial factor in the debates outlined above. A well-known phrase often cited to discredit female singers, is "sawt al-mar'a `awra," "the voice of a woman is a shameful thing."² Imâm al-Ghazâlî explains this as follows. Music is allowed except if temptation is feared. The voice of women could seduce the listener. Looking at female performers is always unlawful. Listening to the voice of concealed female performers is still forbidden if it evokes tempting images. He continues reasoning that looking at a beardless boy is only forbidden if there is a danger for temptation. He then likens the lawfulness of listening to a concealed female singers to looking at a beardless young boy. Arousal of temptation is the rule which ought to be followed and only if this is feared it is unlawful (1901: 235-237).

Women are thus generally perceived as more enticing than men and excitement aroused by looking is considered more powerful than excitement aroused by listening. These observations have consequences for the lawfulness of the different forms of male and female performances. Female performances are more controversial and its acceptability depends on male experience of arousal. The fact that male excitement is most strongly aroused by the eye rather than the ear also affects the various categories of female performers. Female musicians mainly have an audience, female singers have an audience and, at least at present, spectators, whereas female dancers are solely eye-catchers. Female dancing is accordingly considered the most shameful form of entertainment.

In order to understand the Islamic fundamentalist views on art and entertainment we cannot solely rely on the opinion of Muslim scholars of the eleventh or seventeenth century, but should also look into recent religious opinion leaders. According to the late Sheikh al-Azhar Shaltût, who wrote a fatwa, a formal ruling or opinion, on the issue in 1960, music is permissible under certain conditions. He argues that God is not against pleasure and that Islam seeks the Golden Means. Yet, it should not take place under immoral circumstances or with dissolute companions (Al-Faruqi 1985: 25-26). The Muslim scholar al-Qaraâwî states that singing and music in itself is permissible and pleasurable. He places several restrictions on them though. The content of the song should not be against the morals and teachings of Islam or be accompanied by other forbidden things in Islam like alcohol. Also the way of singing should be within the confines of Islam, that is, it should not be accompanied by suggestive movements. Exaggeration is never preferable but certainly not in entertainment and the person who knows that entertainment easily excites him or her should keep away from it (Qaradâwî 1985: 139; 289). During my research, the leading television preacher Sheikh Mitwalli al-Sha`arâwî, stated that all female dancing is bad and that only music which does not "tickle the nerves" is permissible (The Economist 21-5-1988).

Most forms and contexts of art and entertainment in present-day Egypt are thus either controversial or forbidden, particularly for women. Despite their difference, Muslim scholars are united in their condemnation of the entertainment profession for women. Why are the voice and body of women considered forbidden things in Islam?

The discourse on sex and gender in the Muslim world is not an easy thing to describe. It should be borne in mind that there is not one discourse, and that they do not define actual relations. Besides, discourses are neither stable over time nor undisputed. In this section, I compare two discourses on gender and sexuality, firstly the orthodox discourse (Sabbah 1984), comparable to what Mernissi calls the explicit theory of female sexuality (1975), and secondly, the implicit theory and its extension into the erotic discourse. I particularly deal with the way the female body is constructed in these discourses.

In the explicit religious discourse the sexes are perceived as complementary. Men are providers for women and in exchange for support, women should be obedient and serve their husbands. They should keep their virginity and after marriage, loyalty, chastity and complete dedication to their husbands are prerequisite for securing maintenance. Women are seen as weak and as easily overpowered by men. They therefore need protection against the strong desires of men. In the orthodox discourse women are not perceived as lacking in passion, although it is less intense as men's, but they are not capable of resisting men.

Male desire is conceived as strong and capricious. Yet, it must be gratified in the legal context of marriage lest zinâ', illicit intercourse, takes place (Mernissi 1975: 17). Classic Islam defines the wifely duties in terms of women's obligation to provide sex over and above their obligation to reproduce and mother.³ Women cannot refuse to perform the conjugal duty (Naamane-Guessous 1990: 194).⁴ They should fulfill this duty so as to prevent men from committing illicit intercourse. Yet, this also protects themselves against their husbands marrying a second wife. Only women who know how to please their husbands are capable of assuring their attention and support.

The powerlessness of women can potentially be inverted if they manage to seduce and ensnare men. Orthodox scholars acknowledge this danger and since men are primarily created to worship God, they warn against female seduction and particularly against attachment to women. God requires the believer's total love and all of his capacity for emotional attachment: "Emotional attachment divides man's heart, and Allah hath not created man with two hearts within his body" (Quran Surah II: 165).

Mernissi argues that implicitly in the religious discourse women are feared for their disruptive potentials. Women are capable of creating fitna,⁵ chaos provoked by sexual disorder (Mernissi 1975: 4). According to the implicit religious discourse, both sexes have an active sexual nature and female desires should be gratified as well. If women are not sexually satisfied they create fitna by enticing other men than their husbands. Hence: "The virtue of the woman is a man's duty. And the man should increase or decrease sexual intercourse with the woman according to her needs so as to secure her virtue" (al-Ghazâlî in Mernissi idem).

The need to satisfy the female desire and the difficulties men have in fulfilling this duty is the topic of the erotic discourse (Sabbah 1984). The erotic discourse is an extension of the implicit theory and deals with female desire as mirrored in men's thought. It is an attempt by religious scholars to counsel the believer in the righteous conduct towards sexual desire. The orthodox discourse mainly focusses on the strong male desire, the implicit theory recognizes the active sexuality of both sexes, and the erotic discourse is chiefly centered on the aggressive nature of female passion. Female desire is active in the implicit theory, but it becomes aggressive and threatening in the erotic discourse. In the erotic discourse there is thus a reversal of roles. Men are impotent and weak whereas women's passion is insatiable. They resort to cunning, qaid, in order to reach their sexual gratification.

Yet, despite the difference between these constructions of gender and sexuality, it is striking that they converge in their definition of women as primarily sexual beings. The female body is highly sexualised. Whether the female body should be confined and covered, or unleashes its aggressive sexuality, in both cases the sexual aspect of the female body is cardinal.⁶ Whether women passively try to keep their legal husband's attention through being desirable or actively seduce other men, in both cases their sexual dimension is central. In both discourses the female body is reduced to the sexual aspects.

According to Leila Ahmed (1992), who traces the changes and varieties of discourses in the history of Middle Eastern Arabic women, it was in the Abbasid era that the word woman became almost synonymous to slave and object for sexual use. Marketing of women as commodities and objects for sexual use was an everyday reality in Abbasid society. It is no wonder that Muslim scholars of that period, such as al-Ghazâlî, mainly define women as sexual beings. This period was however constitutive for the formulation of Islamic law and thus had a profound impact up till today.

Sabbah argues that: "Muslim culture has a built-in ideological blindness to the economic dimension of women, who are ordinarily perceived, conceived and defined as exclusively sexual objects. The female body has traditionally been the object of an enormous erotic investment, which has clouded (if not totally hidden) woman's economic dimensions" (1984: 16-17). In addition, it has led to the general eroticization of relations between the sexes. As a result of this, working outside the home by women is often experienced as erotic aggression.

Women are thus generally viewed as sexual beings. Whatever women do, they are first and foremost perceived as enticing bodies. They and their bodies seem to have only a sexual dimension. Working in the male public space is generally perceived as an erotic invasion. The male body, although sexual in the presence of a female body, has several dimensions, for instance, in the economic or political field. Women, in contrast, even if they do not move and dance, but simply walk or work in the male space, are perceived as sexual beings. Even if they use their bodies as productive instruments, they are perceived as sexual bodies.

This construction of gender and the body pertains to all Egyptian women. Female entertainers differ from "decent" women because they publicly use their bodies instead of hiding their shame as much as possible. They publicly employ the power of their bodies. Instead of using their feminine powers in the licit context of marriage, they tempt male customers in public. They thus employ the sexuality of their bodies out of wedlock which is a grave sin.

Entertainment is a particular sensitive field to work in for women because the body is focal. Female performances are inevitably tantalizing. As mentioned above, in strict religious opinion, female singers are also harâm. Listening to the voice of women can evoke tempting images. Especially since female singers are not only audible but also visible, the bodily dimension of their performance has become more prominent. Dancing, however, is quintessential a bodily expression. Dancing is thus by definition a sexual activity. Unlike, for instance, actresses, dancers not only put their sexuality on stage but they even move their sexual bodies. Moving sexual bodies in public, in exchange for money, is almost identical to prostitution.

I had an interesting interview with a sheikh of a small mosque. I asked him whether female folk dancers, who are fully dressed unlike belly dancers, are less harâm, he resolutely replied: "no, they also move." I then asked him why male dancing is not harâm. The answer was easy: "A man's body is not shameful," and regardless of how it moves and shakes, "it cannot excite." Although this seems to be an exaggerated denial of the sexual dimension of the male body, it illustrates the stress that is put on the productive dimension of the male body. A dancing male body is performing a job, a dancing female body is moving sexual instincts.

In how far is this discourse about seduction, sin and shame shared by the ones most involved, that is, female performers?

Female entertainers: seduction, sin and shame

Female entertainers are aware of their power to seduce men. A dancer said: "A man, regardless how tough he is, even if he is praying on his prayer mat, it is beyond his power to resist a dancer moving in a revealing costume."

This female power is clearly an instrument for earning money. Women can use their beauty and attractiveness to earn money, a strategy which does not work for male entertainers. A female nightclub performer commented: "The customer wants to see a woman, not a man (...). If he drinks and gets drunk and sees a dancer or a female singer in a nice dress (...) they will bewitch him. Whereas if a man is performing, this will not affect him to the same extent." Men must use their voices and talent. For women however, it is difficult to be evaluated for their talents instead of their bodies. A serious female singer who insisted on being estimated for her voice rather than her appearance, related that unconsciously she had made it a habit to close her eyes during singing. Once at a wedding, a man shouted at her "Are we so ugly that you close your eyes all the time?" Then she realized that she closed her eyes to avoid the lustful gaze of the audience. A nightclub dancer working in cheap clubs saw tantalizing the male audience as part of her job. She said: "They want to see meat, they want to see movements that can make them imagine they are sleeping with you. It's business."

Beauty and being desirable thus mean money. Yet, it can also mean trouble. Some female performers make a direct link between revealing costumes and troubles at a wedding. A former performer stated: "The belly-dancing costume should be prohibited. It causes problems because it is too revealing. If men see this part of the body naked, here open, there a small piece of material and, please forgive me the expression, they sleep on their backs and have their legs open [she describes the act in which a dancer, while on the knees, bends backward K.v.N.]. Even the toughest man, if he sees this (...) he is human after all." In the view of female entertainers, men are weak regarding female beauty and seduction, and at the same time threatening and aggressive. They regard women as powerful and tempting but as weak when it comes to physical violence.

Most female performers are thus aware that their activities are seductive and therefore sinful. A former performer, who has now 'repented' and made a pilgrimage to Mecca, looked back and commented: "The profession is harâm. Someone can visit a wedding with twenty-five piasters in his pocket from which he could feed his children. If he sees someone dancing beautifully in front of him and hears that the names of all other men are mentioned, he wants to be present as well and must give money. So he will give the twenty-five piasters to the dancer and his children will have nothing to eat."

Several female performers were concerned about the afterlife. "Rabbina yitôb 'alêna," "may God relieve us," is often heard from those working, while those who stopped performing often sigh, "tôbt lillâh," "I repented." A former performer related that at the time she was working she often exclaimed: "rabbina yitôb 'alayya, ya rabb," "may God relieve me, O Lord." But since it was her "bread and salt" she had to keep on working. "Five years ago, I repented," she continued. "Praise be to God!" A young dancer was troubled by her sins. She decided that dancing invalidated her prayers and stopped this religious duty. After repentance she intends to resume praying. Others related that they prayed before performing and purified themselves after work. They expressed the hope that God in his omniscience will judge people on their inner selves and will forgive their outer activities. A singer said: "As Muslims it is forbidden to reveal your body, but we do not know who will go to heaven or to hell. Maybe a dancer does a good deed which gives her absolution." Some made the pilgrimage to Mecca and were relieved of their sins. A singer from Mansûra was not so lucky. She intended to stop working and made the pilgrimage but unfortunately she was forced to start singing again and thus invalidated the remission of her sins.

Most female performers thus resign themselves to their fate of doing things against Islam. They admit that women seduce, that the profession is harâm and that they are sinners. That does not mean however, that they perceive their activities as shameful, 'êb. They regard themselves as perfectly respectable people forced to earn a living in this way. They often legitimize their work by saying that is makes people happy. A performer said: "How can our profession be shameful? We make people happy! Someone is going to marry. People want to enjoy themselves. God provides everyone with a livelihood; everyone works for a decent piaster. God created us to make people happy."⁷

Harâm is a notion from religious discourse, whereas 'êb, shame, belongs to the social domain of daily discourse. It was interesting to note that they viewed their profession perhaps as harâm, forbidden, but not as 'êb, shameful. Facing God they can only hope for his mercy, but facing human beings they can defend their claim to honor. Although it is difficult to deny their religious transgressions, they can and do strongly defend themselves against accusations of shameful behavior by people.

Accordingly, the fundamentalists find little favor in their eyes. "It is easy for them to talk, they have better jobs. May God make things easy for them but I am one of those who have to earn money from dancing," Ibtisâm said before she retired. Another performer bitterly exclaimed: "Fundamentalists say that we do things against our religion, but we eat from it. I raise my children from it. Let them provide us with another job, with enough to pay for the school and all other expenses for my children. I struggle for them."

The Islamic fundamentalist battle against art and entertainment is based on strict religious discourse outlawing many forms of art and entertainment. Nightclubs are corrupt places where vice reigns and should be closed. Weddings should be celebrated segregately. Only male singers should perform accompanied by few musical instruments. All female performances should be banned from stage and screen. Singing in an all-female context at weddings is allowed. Yet, singing in front of men, even if modestly dressed and without making accompanying movements, is a tricky business.

The permissibility of female performances depends on the extent in which it arouses the male audience. The female voice has already the power to excite, but the female body even stronger tantalizes the male audience. The crux of the issue is the perception of the female body as highly erotic, as quintessential sexual. This construction makes female performances inescapably a sexual business. Sex outside the legal context of marriage is a grave sin.

The religious discourse is powerful and also female performers largely internalised it. They are glad when the circumstances allow them to stop performing, and, like Ibtism, they can "repent to God." They are ambivalent in their attitudes towards the entertainment trade. On the one hand, they share the views on the seductive nature of the female body and the sinfulness of their activities. On the other hand, they present themselves as respectable people and deny the shamefulness of their profession. They agree with most Egyptians that in daily life there should be "an hour for God and an hour for the heart."

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1. A trade like any other, Female singers and dancers in Egypt. Austin: Texas University Press, 1995.

2. As Ahmed states the word `awra is a highly complex notion. It connects women, sexuality and shameful and defective things. Its meaning includes the parts of the body that are shameful and should be concealed (1992: 116).

7. For more details about their defense strategies see Van Nieuwkerk 1995 chapter 6 and 8.